November 5, 2024 | Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan

“As journalists, all we do is provide information, as objective and reliable as we can. And we are ready to lay down our lives for the population’s right to access this information,” says Bolot Temirov, an award-winning Kyrgyz investigative journalist and founder of Temirov Live. With over 70,000 followers on YouTube, Temirov Live is one of the few independent platforms through which citizens can access information about high-level corruption within the government.

The price of Temirov’s work has been high. In 2022, he was stripped of his Kyrgyz citizenship and deported to Russia, eventually fleeing to a secret location in Europe. In January, eleven of his colleagues, including his wife, Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy, were detained on allegations of “affecting people’s mental health” with “upsetting” news. Last month, Tazhibek Kyzy and another journalist were sentenced to six and five years in prison. Temirov, who remains in exile, said he was “prepared for this outcome. Once again Kyrgyz authorities try to intimidate journalists and citizens.”

The Temirov Live case is just one example of the sweeping crackdown on Kyrgyzstan’s media. A country of more than seven million people, the former Soviet republic was a model of democracy in Central Asia, known for its vibrant civil society and daring investigative journalism. But in just one year, Kyrgyzstan’s press freedom ranking plummeted by fifty places, from the level of Japan to that of South Sudan. International watchdogs like the Committee to Protect Journalists, Amnesty International and Reporters without Borders have sounded the alarm. 

“Five or ten years ago,” says Eldiyar Arykbaev, former editor-in-chief of the investigative outlet Kloop Media, “Kyrgyzstan was one of the best places to practise journalism. We could reach officials, even the police and secret service. But none of that exists anymore. Kyrgyzstan has become a typical authoritarian regime.”

Traditionally a nomadic nation, its capital, Bishkek, boasts wide boulevards and impressive brutalist architecture. Since its independence in 1991, it has been the site of three popular uprisings—in 2005, 2010, and 2020—each driven by corruption scandals. The latest, in 2020, began with protests against a vote-buying scandal involving then-President Sooronbay Jeyenbekov. Amid the demonstrations, Sadyr Japarov, a mid-level politician serving a ten-year prison sentence for kidnapping, was freed by supporters and managed to seize the presidency.

While Japarov initially promised to dismantle corruption, he quickly consolidated power, rewriting the constitution to expand presidential authority. He appointed his ally Kamchybek Tashiev to head the security services and, in 2021, signed a law allowing authorities to remove “false information” from media platforms. This law has resulted in bans on several outlets, including Radio Azattyk, the Kyrgyz branch of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Kloop Media and independent outlets like ResPublica and 24.kg.

The last year has been especially harsh for journalists. In January, Temirov Live’s team members were detained and 24.kg’s offices were raided and temporarily shut down. In March, the government introduced a “foreign agent”-style law, criminalising NGOs and civil society organisations. By September, major media outlets were forced to close or threatened with shutdown. Over a dozen bloggers, activists, and poets have been arrested for critical content on social media. 

Japarov’s support allows him to implement these measures without significant opposition. “He is incredibly popular. He is young and charismatic, and unlike his predecessors, is quick to remove any perceived threat,” Arykbaev explains. “While many Kyrgyz people are familiar with low-level corruption from police officers or judges, they have limited interaction with the high-level corruption that benefits Japarov and his allies.”

The crackdown on journalists has consequences for Kyrgyzstan’s citizens. Investigations by Kloop Media and Temirov Live, in partnership with the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), have revealed that Japarov and his allies greatly benefit from a series of state-backed projects. With an annual income averaging $650, Kyrgyzstan’s citizens bear the cost of public funds exploited by the nation’s elites.

Kyrgyzstan’s repression also has international ripple effects. Since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan has become important in helping Russia evade sanctions. Reports by Brookings and RFE/RL reveal that European companies systematically export dual-use goods through Kyrgyzstan to Russia, with these products never actually reaching Kyrgyzstan. Addressing these judicial loopholes and identifying which officials and businesses benefit from the trade requires accountability—a task typically done by independent media.

Arykbaev is among the many journalists forced to leave Kyrgyzstan. In 2022, he began receiving questions from his bank about his transactions. Soon after, social media accounts started impersonating him, posting calls for anti-government protests. Recognising the risk, Arykbaev left Kyrgyzstan and now works with the OCCRP, continuing investigations with a network of journalists and sources in the country. 

“The nature of my work has changed. I do everything remotely now,” Arykbaev says. “The shift has gone from classic reporting to open-source investigations and high-level analysis. But I still get to do work that I deeply believe in.” Many of his colleagues are also in exile, either voluntarily or by necessity. The few who remain increasingly practise self-censorship, leaving politically risky investigations to those working from abroad.

The same is true for Bolot Temirov and his team. He continues to run Temirov Live along with Ait Ait Dese, an innovative project that merges investigative journalism with traditional Kyrgyz poetry to reach a broader audience. Created by his wife, Tazhibek Kyzy, Ait Ait Dese revives the role of akyns—folk poets who historically highlighted the struggles of Kyrgyz people, freely criticising rulers through verse. In a video series with over 250,000 views, akyns narrate corruption stories in poetic form, exposing money-laundering schemes and public embezzlement by Japarov and Tashiev.

Despite his wife’s imprisonment and his exile, Temirov remains committed. “It is hard to work in exile. But my soul is in Kyrgyzstan. I feel all the pain and the worries of the people. It is my duty to continue.” Arykbaev shares his resolve. “People do not do this profession for money or security,” he says. “It’s for justice, or simply to tell the stories of those who have been wronged.”